55
the simple reason that in 1996, they represented only 18
percent of Israel’s population. They are a sociological
minority because they belong to a population sector that
is not represented among the state’s political, military and
economic elites, and consequently, feels deprived and
discriminated against compared to the dominant national
group.”
53
Against the background of this singular situation,
Kabha writes: The imposition of the military government on
the Arab population was explained by the need to maintain
order and prevent potential dangers, which the country’s
leaders feared at the time. The military government, which
officially began in 1950 and ended in 1966, is a clear
expression of how the Arab minority was perceived by the
Israeli establishment as a “time bomb.” Kabha is doubtful
as to whether this perception has entirely died out since the
military government was abolished in 1966.
54
The second aspect relates to refugees inside Israel. Regarding
the number of “internal refugees” in Israel, Kabha notes a
number of sources that evince disparities in their estimated
number as being 25-40 percent of all Arab-Palestinian
citizens of Israel. Kabha also discusses how these internal
refugees’ property was treated and that it was not possible
to return it, as well as their status as “present absentees”
created in the State of Israel. He also points to the complex
nature of the status of the refugee in the refuge villages in
which they were settled, where they were distinguished as
a separate group in the villages and known as refugees –
lajiiyn
. At the same time, they integrated into the life of the
state and its politics in general, as an integral part of the
Arab minority in Israel.
55
In the research proposal for my Ph.D., “The Effects of the 1948
War on the Palestinian Rural Population in Israel: Changes
in the Social Networks of Tamra in 1948-1980,” I noted the
relationship between the establishment of the State of Israel
and the major changes that have shaped the structure of new
social networks. “The establishment of Israel in 1948 led to
fundamental social and political changes among the Arabs
who remained within its borders after the war, and directly
impacted their cultural and civil identity. Most of the Arab
population that remained in Israel after the war was village-
dwelling Muslims. In traditional terms, the Palestinian village
was characterized by a social and political environment with
unique cultural features that suited rural life, the agricultural
employment structure and its typical social institutions (i.e.,
customary law,
euraf
). Shared households were the dominant
feature of the village family, as were a dense social network
along with the other families in the village. These relationships,
which if to generalize can be defined as family-oriented,
53 Benyamin Neuberger, “The Arab Minority in Israeli Politics: National
Alienation and Political Integration, Government and Politics in the
State of Israel, 11, Tel Aviv: The Open University, 1998, p. 5.
54 Ibid, pp. 153-154.
55 Ibid, pp. 158-161.
were reflected in the structure of the social networks and
the patterns of political organization.”
56
In this context, we can point to the third reference group that
affects Palestinian citizens of Israel: internal refugees. Thus
far, we have read about two reference groups: the Palestinians
in the territories and the Jewish society. However, an in-depth
study of the social structure of the Palestinian citizens of Israel
shows that, “Every village of the Arab villages in Israel has a
story that can provide an indication as to its different structure
and makeup. Nevertheless, Tamra’s story can be assumed
to represent a large part of the Arab population in Israel for
two main reasons: First, Tamra’s entire population is Muslim.
Second, more than 40 percent of Tamra’s population moved
there after 1948. Like other villages, the village of Tamra in
the Western Galilee experienced significant changes as a
result of the 1948 war that impacted the fabric of social and
political relations among the different social groups. This is
evident in the changes that occurred in its social networks.
The consequences of the war led directly to the creation of
a new social, cultural and political discourse. This discourse
emerged from the new challenges born both at the local and
national level, as well as those that occurred in its social
fabric after 1948. This fabric includes the original villagers,
alongside the refugees and many others who arrived in wake
of the war and because of special circumstances that led
individuals and families to move to Tamra from other places.”
57
The rural discourse among the Palestinian citizens of Israel
illustrates the unique nature of the population and reveals new
aspects not seen elsewhere. The principal significance of this
area is that it enables us to learn about Palestinian society
and the changes that occurred in it, on the background of the
distinction between the elites and the rural population, on the
one hand, and between the internal refugees and the rural
population that remained in its own original villages without
leaving them, on the other. Special attention should be paid
to another reference group, the internal refugees, because
this group has had a profound impact on the discourse and
awareness within Arab-Palestinian society, both in Israel and
abroad, and may also play an important role in resolving the
Israeli-Palestinian conflict. On the one hand, understanding
the experience and life of the Palestinian internal refugees
may contribute to understanding similar phenomena that
are occurring today in the Arab world and its influence on it,
especially of migration in the wake of traumatic events and
re-integration in new places and states with varying degrees
of democratization. On the other hand, if the State of Israel
were to concretely and practically address the plight and
aspirations of the internal refugees (such as by allowing
to some to return to the lands from which they fled or were
expelled in 1948, and even in the early years following the
establishment of the state, and which were confiscated by
56 Kamal Ali-Hassan, “The Effects of the 1948 War on the Palestinian
Rural Population in Israel: Changes in the Social Networks of Tamra
in 1948-1980,” proposal for Ph.D. dissertation, Tel Aviv University,
2013.
57 Ibid.
