52
Developing an Israeli Grand Strategy toward
a Peaceful Two-State Solution
Arab world, but only on the condition that Israel implements
the principles of democracy upon which its government
stands, particularly in relation to its Arab-Palestinian citizens.
Currently, the pursuit of yet unexplored subjects lies at
the focus of interest of Arab researchers in Israel. In their
study, “The Palestinian Nakba in the Israeli public sphere:
formations of denial and responsibility,” the authors Amal
Jamal and Samah Bsoul note that there are no studies
that examine the Israeli public consciousness and how its
structures itself in relations to the Nakba as a historic event
perceived in traumatic terms in Palestinian society. This
underscores the need for a debate between the official Israeli
historiography and critical constructive historiography.
45
The
authors demonstrate how the writing of Palestinian history
has undergone an accelerated process of research on
various aspects of the Nakba, but that the unique nature and
pioneering aspect of their research lies in that it explores the
Nakba in Israeli public life, a subject as yet unexplored and
which probably holds potential for a change of awareness
and a dispelling of myths that studies show have been partly
shattered. The importance of this study lies in the way Israeli
Arab researchers deal with such a sensitive and complex
subject, one that shapes perceptions, on the public level.
The study proposes new courses of action for the Jewish
establishment and society in Israel, which include taking
historical and ethical responsibility for events that were
traumatic for Palestinians in Israel (the Nakba) and that have
had a crucial impact on the relationship between the Jewish
majority, the State of Israel and the Arab-Palestinian minority
in Israel. Studies such as this could form the basis for a
constructive dialogue and contribute to deeper understanding
of various aspects of the complex issues relating to Arab
society in Israel and its relationship with the state and the
Jewish majority. In addition, path breaking studies such as
this can point to the anticipated potential contribution that
can be made by Arab-Israeli researchers to the public,
political and academic discourse.
The authors’ conclusions illustrate the disparities, gaps,
contradictions and even the delegitimization of the new
historiography with respect to the Nakba. They note, “From
a profound observation of the Israeli discourse concerning
the Nakba, a number of perspectives in which it is perceived,
understood and appreciated arise. These perspectives are
neither consistent nor coherent with respect to each other,
and in some cases are even contradictory. Importance of the
exploration of the different perspectives is reflected in the
desire to place a kind of mirror before the Israeli public and
to point to the different ways of looking at what happened to
the Palestinians in wake of the 1948 war. “In the summary
of their study, Amal Jamal and Samah Bsoul raise the claim
that “The in-depth meaning of viewing the memory of the
Nakba as a threat that undermines the legitimacy of Israel
is that Israel needs Palestinian recognition in order to feel
45 Amal Jamal and Samah Bsoul, “The Palestinian Nakba in the Israeli
public sphere: formations of denial and responsibility,” I’LAMMedia
Center, Nazareth, 2014; see note 5 and pp. 62-65.
at peace with itself. This Israeli need can offer a reflection
of the deep cracks that run through the moral firmness of
Israel’s narrative and self-perception.”
46
In 2014, I attended the first conference of its kind in Israel on
the Palestinian citizens of Israel and Israeli foreign policy.
47
The conference participants expressed different views and
pointed to the complexity of Israel being represented by
Palestinians abroad. In my view, the inclusion of Palestinian
citizens of Israel in its foreign service is a major and central
challenge that can upgrade the status of Palestinians in
Israel and significantly contribute to how Israel is perceived
in the Middle East and the world. In the same context, the
Mitvim Institute, in cooperation with the Israel Democracy
Institute, held a conference on the subject of inclusive foreign
policy: how to increase the involvement of diverse population
groups in issues related to Israel’s foreign relations. The
conference was attended by representatives of various
groups in Israel: the religious, ultra-Orthodox, Russians
and Arabs in addition to experts from the Israeli academia
and from the two institutes sponsoring the conference. A
number of key issues unique to each group came up in the
discussion of how to represent Israel abroad. Among the
participants was Sana Kanana, a researcher at the Mitvim
Institute, who presented preliminary insights on a study
she was conducting about this issue among Palestinians
in Israel. Her remarks were indicative of the barriers and
opportunities that may direct result from the involvement of
the Arab-Palestinian population in Israeli foreign system, but
only on the condition that the state and the Jewish majority
recognize the right of the Arab-Palestinians to live as equal
citizens of the country.
48
The annual public opinion survey conducted by Mitvim – the
Israeli Institute for Regional Foreign Policies – on the subject
of Israeli foreign policy in 2015 shows that Israel’s situation
in the world is not good, having significantly worsened in
comparison to where it was just a year ago. Improving this
situation is dependent on progress in the peace process;
when greater involvement on the part of the Arab states
in the peace process is perceived as something positive,
and when cooperation between Israel and Middle Eastern
countries is perceived as feasible. Dr. Nimrod Goren, the head
of Mitvim, says, “The findings show that the public is losing
confidence in the foreign policy led by the government. This
is reflected in the failure attributed to Netanyahu’s efforts to
halt the Iranian nuclear project, the feeling that Israel’s status
in the world and its relationship with the United States are
rapidly worsening, and in the fear of the implications of the
weakening of the stature of Israel’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs.
These are dangerous trends. In order to change them, Israel
46 Ibid.
47 Master workshop: Palestinian citizens of Israel and foreign policy,”
Mitvim Institute, Abraham Fund and the Academic Institution of
Nazareth, January 28, 2013.
48 Master workshop: “Inclusive foreign policy: How to increase the
involvement of varied population groups in subjects related to Israel’s
foreign policy,” Mitvim, The Israel Democracy Institute, Jerusalem,
July 19, 2016.
